But none of these debates have systematically provided an empirical analysis of how human life is valued in policy and practice.
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Finally, the study investigates the implications of valuing PLWHA, for their lives, or conversely, their deaths. Using a constructivist epistemology, my study draws upon ethnographic research undertaken through observations and document review and triangulates methods with interviews and focus group discussions. While there are some contradictions within and between groups of study participants in the ways they frame the value of PLWHA; the study finds consensus within and between these groups in the manner in which they tend to value PLWHA.
In my study, framing the value of PLWHA brings out several new ways of thinking, both concerning the ways of public health policy formulation, implementation and monitoring, and the ways in which we understand the politics and consequences of decision-making on the VoHL. My research identifies the concept of allowable death as one with relevance in Zimbabwe and the broader African context.
The concept is also particularly important at the global level and in particular on the agenda for Sustainable Development Goals as it provides explicit means to discuss social justice through enforceability of health rights. Fortunate Machingura recently defended her PhD thesis at Manchester University and expects to be awarded the degree of Doctor of Philosophy after completing the customary corrections. This research sounds excellent. Your email address will not be published. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam.
Multiple readings of the transcripts were carried out by the researcher to familiarise herself with content and meaning. Data were then analysed manually to identify emerging themes and subthemes that reflected gender perceptions of elderly female and male participants. This was followed by developing a code list. Quotes relevant to each theme were extracted from the data.
These reflected divergent perceptions of risk of HIV infection from both female and male elderly participants. Research questions were informed by a comprehensive literature review. The sample size was adequate to allow for emergence of diverse viewpoints. Addressing participants in a large group during recruitment assisted in diminishing selection bias, as only those willing to participate offered to do so, without any coercion.
Participants were allowed to use their preferred ethnic language in responding to research questions. The skilled facilitator was also multilingual. Audio-recordings of interviews ensured that data were correctly and precisely captured. Both the researcher and facilitator analysed the data, including the coding process, which allowed for interrogation of interpretation.
Sampling bias was avoided by carefully selecting participants who met the age criterion and represented the group of interest. Biased questioning was avoided by redirecting questions to other participants during probing, and use of an independent coder assisted in prevention of interpretation bias. Approval for the study was granted by the managers of the luncheon clubs and the elderly persons before data collection.
The nature and scope of the study were explained to the participants, who gave their informed consent. They were informed that participation was voluntary and that they had the right to discontinue their participation if they felt uncomfortable with the topic under discussion or did not wish to continue. All participants were assured that confidentiality would be maintained.
This was assured as only the researcher had access to the audiotaped material, which was kept locked up in a safe place and would be erased after the research was completed. Use of real names during data analysis was avoided. Five themes emerged from the interviews: blaming, lack of disclosure, condom use, male p rowess and double standards, and economic status.
The findings show that both female and male participants blamed each other for the spread of HIV infection. A male participant feels that females are responsible for spreading HIV infection. This person goes around carrying the disease, spreading it. Male, 78 years. We men, as we were talking earlier about elderly people, that they also get infected.
Some men go to shebeens where these women are and pay R20, R40, to get a quick one. There are those women, some use the train, and they spread the disease. Male, 70 years. Female, 67 years. Female, 68 years. Perceptions on HIV disclosure varied by gender. Male, 74 years.
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Male, 71 years. You have to declare your status these days.
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Previously those things would bring shame, but today you have to speak out, so people know that you have the virus. Male, 81 years. Then when the results come back, we both get to find out our statuses. Female, 70 years. We will be there to receive our results together. If he is infected, it will also show. Participants indicated that it is difficult to introduce condoms at their age, as they have never done so earlier with their partners. Men were concerned about exposure of their unfaithfulness, and said that they would question their wives if they were to introduce a condom: As old as I am, how can I go and introduce a condom at home?
Even if I can get them for free, she will wonder why I have them. Male, 68 years. That time, AIDS was not there. Male, 83 years. He was the unfaithful one.
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Female, 75 years. If there was a condom for women, yes, so that women could protect themselves. Female, 60 years. As women, we get sebabo [vaginal thrush], then I insert the femidom over the thrush. The partner is not wearing a condom, he just fiddles around until he goes in. Female, 62 years. I can sleep with two women here, or three to four, take my car, go to Mabopane, take my car, go to Klipgat, until it becomes late.
Male, 65 years. I am still with my husband. I noticed that he still looks around. What can we do? Male participants seem to think that if they have money, they can sleep with women. You know, our women, they are very cheap.
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Cheap, cheap, cheap. Male, 87 years. The money issue, you cannot rule it out. Right now, do you know that our sisters, girls, they have given themselves to these foreigners, and these foreigners are using them. Male, 80 years. The current study focuses on exploring gender perceptions of risk of HIV infection among older persons. Many of the findings are similar to studies conducted elsewhere, mostly in younger populations due to the paucity of research in the older population.
These stem from sexual behaviours and socially constructed gender differences between men and women in their roles. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 42, — In this study, both genders blame each other for the spread of HIV infection.
cadivus.co.uk/spatial-ecological-economic-analysis-for-wetland.php Elderly women in this study blame men for spreading HIV by having a sexual encounter with younger women, while men believe that some women deliberately infect men. This position has been found in many studies. Literature has shown that gender stereotypes allow women to be blamed for spreading HIV infection Rankin et al. Men are often reported to be infected by women, who may be castigated by men and women alike, while less blame tends to fall on men as opposed to women who have multiple partners Peacock et al.
If HIV infection is discovered in a wife first, she is readily blamed by her husband, and in some instances, women may equally be blamed by other relatives, regardless of whose infection was discovered first Peacock et al.
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